The Diaspora Initiative
Diaspora voting observatory

Diaspora voting rights & behaviours across Europe

πŸ‡·πŸ‡΄ Romanian diaspora

πŸ‡²πŸ‡© Moldovan diaspora

Election rounds are equally spaced. Colour identifies the series; line style identifies the election family: European dotted, parliamentary dashed, presidential solid.

How voting options and behaviour evolved across the Romanian and Moldovan diasporas β€” reported ballot totals, not registered diaspora. Registered-diaspora counts (Eurostat, MAE, AEP) disagree wildly; the ballots cast do not.

Click a country to inspect its diaspora
● community ● far-right / sovereigntist ● pro-unification ● homeland

Diaspora Facebook groups (D7.2 InfoSpace Mapping) β€” homeland β†’ country β†’ its groups. Node size = members, colour = political side. Drag to rotate Β· scroll to zoom Β· hover for details.

Hypothesis β€” pro-EU Romanian-only voters (estimate)

pro-EU Romanian-only = pro-EU Romanian voters βˆ’ pro-EU Moldovan voters, per country, paired by the closest electoral event. Dual Romanian-Moldovan pro-EU citizens are assumed to appear in both counts; subtracting the pro-EU Moldovan voters isolates the pro-EU Romanian-only electorate. Voter counts only.

2020–2021: RO 2020 parliamentary βˆ’ MD 2020 presidential R2. 2024–2025: RO 2025 presidential R2 βˆ’ MD 2025 parliamentary.

⚠ Strong assumption: every pro-EU Moldovan voter is also a pro-EU Romanian voter. Where pro-EU Moldovan voters exceed pro-EU Romanian ones the estimate turns negative β€” flagged, not hidden.

Method

Why raw counts: registered-diaspora denominators (Eurostat / MAE / AEP) disagree wildly, so turnout shares are unstable. The reported ballot counts are known β€” so we plot those.

Report series: Romania reproduces Figures II.1–II.3 in SPINE_Full_Report_v7.docx: the EU-27 aggregate, United Kingdom and Republic of Moldova across all nine rounds, using total voters (black), the report's explicit pro-European / liberal-democratic actors (blue), and eurosceptic / illiberal actors (red). Unlisted actors stay β€œother” and are not folded into blue. The parliamentary points use the Chamber. Figure II.2 is the United Kingdom (an EU member during the 2019 vote, outside thereafter); Figure II.3 is Romanian voters in the Republic of Moldova. Other country views apply the same classification.

Moldova reproduces Figure II.1 in Moldova_Diaspora_Report_v10.docx: all four presidential rounds, with Sandu in blue and Dodon / Stoianoglo in red. The black line covers all candidates. The 2024 first round is the official CEC aggregate: 239,419 valid votes across 231 abroad stations, including Sandu 169,294 and Stoianoglo 19,287; the blue line dips because votes split among 11 candidates.

Planned granularity: the EU-supportive group will be split into party families β€” centre-right, social-democratic, liberal, green & left, national-conservative β€” shown separately from far-right / populist platforms (per-party extraction from the source ballots).

Presence map: coloured by the latest valid votes (the only complete, real signal) or by lean. The Eurostat/MAE/AEP registered estimates are too sparse to map. Moldova adds CEC gender + age-cohort turnout demographics per country; those totals include invalid ballots and may exceed valid votes.

Sources: RO β€” Diaspora_by_Country correct.xlsx and Figures II.1–II.3 of SPINE_Full_Report_v7.docx. MD β€” Moldova_ALL_Elections_MASTER_v8.xlsx and Figure II.1 of Moldova_Diaspora_Report_v10.docx. The separate presence map and Romanian-only estimate may also use the verified Moldovan parliamentary auxiliary rounds; those rounds are intentionally absent from the presidential chart.